Infobox

'Позолоченный Полярной звездой!'

Flag of Novoroyska Emblem of Novoroyska

General Information

Federal Capital	Novgograd
Largest City	Novogograd
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Official Language	Rouvskian
Recognized Language	Rouvskian
Recognized Language	Gorushkian, Iskarian, Azerjian, Molokovian, Klinkovian, Byerovskian
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Demonym	Novoroyskan

Government

• 1922 - 1924:
  • Federal Ulyanovist one-party socialist republic
    • Vladimir Ulyanovis (1922-1924)
• 1927 - 1953:
  • Federal Marxist–Ulyanovist one-party state under a Feodorist totalitarian dictatorship
    • Feodor Ivanov (1924-1953)
• 1953 - 1993:
  • Federal Marxist–Ulyanovist one-party socialist republic
    • Alexiy Yaroslav (1953)
    • Nikolai Kaspirin (1953-1964)
    • Anatoly Andreyev (1964-1982)
    • Viktor Bulganov (1982-1984)
    • Anton Kurkovich (1984-1985)
    • Mikhail Grishkovich (1985-1993)
• 1993 - 1999:
  • Federal multi-party semi-presidential republic
    • Mikhail Grishkovich (1993-1999)
• 1999 - 2025:
  • Federal Marxist –Ulyanovist one-party state under an Andriyist totalitarian dictatorship
    • Andriy Vasilyevich (1999-2025)
• 2025- Present:
  • Federal multi-party semi-presidential parliamentary republic
    • Konstantin Matyev (2025-Present)

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President	Konstantin Matyev (Head of State)
Prime Minister	Leonid Rossovetsky (Head of Government)
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Legislature Federal Assembly

• Upper House: Federal Rada
• Lower House: Federal Duma

Historical Era:

• Bolshevik Coup: 7 November 1917
• Establishment: 30 December 1922
• Civil War Ended: 16 June 1923
• First Constitution: 31 January 1924
• Second Constitution: 5 December 1936
• Third Constitution: 9 October 1977
• First Byerovskian War: Dec 11, 1994
• Second Byerovskian War: Aug 26, 1999
• Andriyist Coup: December 25th, 1999
• War of the 4th Coalition: August 19, 2021
• Democratic Transition: November 2, 2025

Economic Data

Year	GDP
GDP (nominal)	₽ 18,3124 trillion (NRUB) / $ 16,678 trillion (USD)
GDP (nominal) per capita	₽ 368,454 / $ 33,576
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Other Information

• Anthem: Anthem of Novoroyska
• Currency: Novoroyskan Ruble (нруб) (NRUB)
• Time Zone: Novgograd Standard Time (+9 to +11)
• Drives on the: Right
• Calling code: +7
  Internet TLD: .nr

Federation of Novoryoska

Novoroyska, officially the Federation of Novoroyska, is a federal republic in eastern glestonoph, it is nominally a federal union of multiple national republics. The country is a multi-party democracy with the current ruling party being the National Civic Party, with Novgograd as its capital within its largest and most populous republic, the Rouvskia. Other major urban centers are Krylovsky (Rouvskia), Kerkovsky (Gorushka), Sokrev (Iskaria), Kuznetsky (Molokovia), Kazarym (Klinkovia), Verkhovsky (Byerovsk), Burkov (Azerjia)

Novoroyska was created in the aftermath of the Third Coalition War with the fall of the Kkhanoese as the lands they had taken over were given autonomy. Following a brief civil conflict between the revolutionary forces after the Integralist regime's defeat, an interim government was created until an agreement could be made between the various ethnic groups. The interim government was plagued with infighting, corruption, and a large division between the ethnic groups who were still negotiating on a term. The fate of Rouvskia was to be decided by the Permisk Accords, a meeting between the representatives and leaders of the major political factions and ethnic groups in the Peninsula. However, the meeting collapsed following a bombing in the building, which killed the majority of the representatives and leaders, becoming the catalyst for the Rouvskian Civil War.

While the Bolsheviks had a fairly large support base behind them, not everyone supported them; pro-monarchists, liberals, nationalists, and leftists who were opposed to them began arming themselves as well. This would culminate in the Rouvskian Civil War, which lasted for four years, with tens of millions killed from war and famine, with the Bolsheviks coming out on top. Ulyanovisk ruled Novoroyska with an iron fist for 1 year until dying in 1926, when he was usurped by Feodor Ivanov as the new leader of Novoroyska after purging many rivals. Feodor would go on to rapidly industrialize Novoroyska, strengthen the military, and increase his own authoritarianism with multiple purges during the '30s and '40s before dying of cranial hemorrhage in 1953 after suffering a massive stroke. During the 40s, Novoroyska fought the Antero-Novoroyskan War, often called the Great Patriotic War against Anteria. It was primarily fought to decolonize Monhaine and Aurorheim to facilitate the rise of communist governments. However, the conflict ended in a draw as neither side managed to carve out any meaningful victories.

Following Feodor's death, Nikolai Kaspirin took power as Novoroyska entered a cold war with Anteria. This Cold War saw Novoroyska and Anteria conducting proxy and indirect conflict over ideological motives, Novoroyskan communism against Anterian capitalism. The most notable one was the Oil Crisis, beginning in 1969, as Novoroyska facilitated a coup in Persia, installing a puppet communist regime and occupying the nation to cut off Anteria's oil. During the Oil Crisis, Novoroyskan Red Army and VDV forces battled against the Antero-Auroran-backed Persian Islamic Liberation Front, aimed at removing the Novoroyskan occupation and deposing the communist government. In 1979, Novoroyska withdrew from Persia, with the communist government collapsing not too long after as the war became increasingly untenable with growing domestic discontent with the war.

After Anatoly Andreyev died in 1982, Novoroyska went through two leaders, Viktor Bulganov and Anton Kurkovich, who both died within a year of their rule due to natural causes from old age. Concerned with the increasingly geriatric leadership of the country, the Central Committee elected Mikhail Grishkovich to power at the relatively young age of 44. Under Grishkovich, Obnovlenie and Razvitiye were political and economic movements, which were designed to reform the stagnant Novoroyskan state. This saw an unprecedented economic and political openness as it attempted to better connect Novoroyskan markets to foreign ones, while democratizing and liberalizing the state and its institutions. However, his policies, while welcomed initially, were faced with increasing controversy as the economic reforms that created initial growth had most profits go to a growing number of businessmen and not the people. Meanwhile, the political reforms designed to liberalize the state created deep institutional bloat as he attempted to adapt the old constitution from the 70s within a democratic framework.

The April Plot in 1995, an attempted coup by the Red Army, exposed deep distrust between Grishkovich's administration and the conservative security and military institutions. Following the failed coup, Andriy Vasilyevich, then a security advisor to Grishkovich, was made the new Chairman of the State Intelligence Service after a restructuring of state institutions. With his prominent position as Chairman of the State Intelligence Service, Andriy had started creating connections with other security elements and the military, leading up to the 1999 Ousting of Grishkovich, which saw the abolishment of reforms, the re-establishment of one-party rule, and the creation of a market socialist economy.

From 1999 until 2025, Novoroyska had been under the totalitarian regime of Andriy Vasilyevich, which saw the weaponization of welfare as a tool to control the populace and the large-scale expansion of the military. In the 26-year reign under Andriy, Novoroyska was involved in numerous conflicts, beginning around 2021 and 2022, starting with the Altikarian Civil War, which saw the installation of Vladimir Nikolaev's communist government and the subsequent Altikarian Missile Crisis. Between 2022 and 2025, Novoroyska was involved with conflicts in Veoannia, Creeyo, Shanting, and Afzhizstan. On November 2nd, 2025, Andriy announced his sudden resignation and the facilitation of a democratic transition. The Federation of Novoroyska was formally established on January 1st, 2026, creating the first fully democratic Novoroyskan state since Grishkovich's reforms.

Novoroyska is generally considered a great power, possessing a substantially large nuclear stockpile and having one of the largest military expenditures in the world. Its large economy is built on a combination of cheap but quality production, large agricultural exports, and substantial extraction of raw earth minerals.

Etymology

Novoroyska is a combination of Novo, meaning new, and Royska, a name originating from Proto-Slavic people (Rouvskian) who inhabited the land for generations.

The standard way to refer to a citizen of Novoroyska is as a "Novoroyskan".

History

The downfall of the Empire and the Integralist takeover (1904-1905)

The foundations of modern-day Novoroyska would be laid on September 9th, 1904, following several months of protests, riots, and general unrest from pro-Integralists, nationalists, leftists, and anti-monarchists. A large-scale armed uprising took place in the Krylovsky Imperial Army Garrison as soldiers raised Kkhanoese banners, and these soldiers captured the city. These were called the “Army for the Liberation of the Oppressed” as they set out to liberate the Rouvskian lands from the Monarchy and bring about Integralism. On October 5th, several Imperial Army garrisons in Gorushka, Byerovsk, and elsewhere swore loyalty to the Army for the Liberation of the Oppressed, with the forces in Gorushka and Byerovsk being formalized into the “Western Army for Liberation” while forces in Rouvskia proper were organized into the “Central Army for Liberation”. The Imperial Army failed to respond as many more forces within it rebelled in favor of the Integralists or other factions, which began rising in the wake of the Integralist uprising in Krylovsky. The remaining loyalists within the Imperial Army found themselves outgunned, outnumbered, and heavily disorganized as many of its officers had just changed their sides. Supply and morale were extremely low as partisan movements hampered supply lines, while being outnumbered led to plummeting morale, with desertions commonplace. In Gorushka, the Western Army managed to capture Kerkovsky, then called Viktograd, named after Tsar Viktor I, who captured the Gorushkan lands in the 1700s.

Having captured one of the major cities in the West, many in the city greeted the Western Army soldiers as liberators, as gifts were handed out, while some opted to join the army itself. After the capture of Viktograd, most Imperial Army forces in Gorushka laid down their arms as most tried to join the cause, while others had given up hope of trying to resist, as within a week, all of Gorushka had essentially been put under Integralist hands. In Byerovsk, the Western Army forces there faced challenges trying to gain momentum and move northward to Verkhovsky from Biarovisk, as the Imperial Army garrison in the city had managed to entrench itself outside the city. However, the defense of the city began struggling as newly arrived forces from Gorushka slowly but surely pushed defenders further inward into the city until the last forces surrendered on November 30th after nearly a month of siege. In Rouvskia, the Central Army had effectively gained control of the north as forces from Krylovsky moved out towards Novgograd to capture the Imperial family and possibly end the war as quickly as possible. In their move eastward, the Central Army met little to no resistance as the Imperial army had been stretched thin with only a small garrison in the city to defend it. When the Central Army arrived at the city's gates, they found the city to be embroiled in street-to-street combat as nearly half the garrison forces had defected to the Integralist cause. The battle was easily won as the Central Army wiped out the remaining defenders before moving towards Grand Bessirisk Palace, where they found the walls of the palace defended by soldiers putting up a desperate defense. After hours of fearsome fighting, Central Army forces entered the grounds of the palace, where they found the Imperial family hiding in a warehouse inside the walls. They would be captured and sent west to Permisk, where the Imperial family would be held as prisoners.

With the capture of the Imperial family, most of the defenders surrendered to the Integralists as they laid down their arms. However, the East stayed defiant as a mix of Imperial army remnants, nationalist partisans, and militia forces had set up defenses along the Karbanov River west of Karbanovskaya. However, with the Integralist forces heavily emboldened following their massive successes, after several rather costly yet successful attacks across the river, remaining resistance forces in the East were brutally crushed right as January of 1905 came around.

Integralist regime, Years of Agony (1905-1913)

With the capture of the East, Rouvskia was put under an interim coalition government headed by the leaders of the revolutionary factions, including Liberals, Democrats, Socialists, Communists, and any other ideologies in between. It was a temporary measure until a more stable foundation could be built for a newly freed Rouvskia, or so it would have been. As early as May of 1905, a round of assassinations, disappearances, and strange occurrences began occurring for the revolutionary factions. Prominent figureheads, important officials, or popular individuals within these factions would begin disappearing, mysteriously dying, or suddenly leaving the nation altogether. On June 5th, 1905, the nation was put to a standstill when, Alexey Kesov, the leader of the Liberal faction was killed in a car explosion in downtown Novgograd before even the first investigations started, the various revolutionary factions began viewing each other with suspicion as little by little, they upped their guards, purchasing, borrowing, or stealing more guns, recruiting more men into their militias and paramilitary forces while drawing up plans for a potential war on the horizon.

During August of 1905, a string of attacks, murders, assassinations, and plots drove the unsteady peace among the formerly united revolutionaries to a standstill, as paramilitary and militia forces still present had picked back up their arms for a potential confrontation with one another. During this period, the Integralists, led by Rusuvo Ivanovich Adrik, had been working to cement and consolidate their control over a new Rouvskian Army formed from Integralist militia/paramilitary forces and former Imperial Army remnants. The mounting tension would finally burst when individuals bearing red markings, indicative of the Socialists, attempted to storm the local Novgograd Garrison headquarters, prompting militia forces to begin engaging in skirmishes and battles in the city’s streets as the various factions attempted revolutions and counter-revolutions, fracturing the fragile peace that had existed. With the former revolutionaries now in open fighting, the Integralists took the opportunity as they deployed the nascent Rouvskian Army to surround the capital city and begin a short siege to divide and conquer the fighting militia forces. From August 30th to September 9th, Novgograd became a warzone overnight as revolutionaries fought each other while also fighting the integralists and the reformed Rouvskian Army.

By September 9th, major fighting had died down as most of the militia forces had either been severely weakened and going into hiding or had been systematically wiped out while fighting in the streets. A month-long martial law would be declared as the Integralists took the opportunity to ban all other political entities and form a one-party authoritarian state overnight. This coincided with a string of purges and sacking as known and perceived political enemies would be rounded en masse to be either executed or sent to labor camps in Tigritsa, which would influence the future gulag systems under the Bolsheviks.

This came to be known as the Black Purge, due to the Integralist authorities donning black armbands when conducting purges and acts of persecution. In October, the Integralists would form the Strazha, a secret police and domestic intelligence agency, which would become among the biggest offenders of the Integralist oppression. The following seven years under Integralist oppression would come to be known as the Years of Agony, as thousands would be purged for charges of anti-revolutionary thought, practicing religion, and observing traditions or culture. This reign of oppression would continue for the next eight years.

Early Resistance (1913-1914)

Eight years of brutal oppression and surveillance had caused mounting frustration throughout Novoroyska. Increasingly, the Integralist regime had gone from initially a modernizing force to a merciless regime with callous regard for human lives, hellbent on destroying the culture of the land and stripping people of their dignity. Beginning in early 1913, a critical event would lead the way for early resistance against the Integralist regime, as surviving revolutionaries who had blended into civilian life, Imperial Army remnants still holding out in the mountains, and sympathizers within the regime came together to form the All-People’s Army for Liberation. One of the first actions undertaken by the All-People’s Army was to contact and establish cooperation with the rumored Turkic and Islamist insurgents in the Far East. The Turkic East had a reputation for constant armed resistance and resistance against the Rouvskian Imperial authorities in the past. The Integralist Rouvskian Army had been forced to commit a sizeable contingent in the Turkic east to quell insurgent activity and to act as first line defense against Coalition forces in Glestonoph, as news from the frontlines was increasingly concerning regarding Kkhano’s war efforts on the continent.

A small contingent from the All-People’s Army reached Tashalmabad, current day Beriovisk, which was a hotbed of insurgent activity, being effectively under the control of insurgent groups. In late January 1914, the All-People’s Army would reach an agreement with Turkic insurgents to actively resist the Integralist regime as a unified force. Beginning in March 1914, the frequency of attacks against Integralist forces in the Far East grew dramatically as a combination of ambushes, assassinations, hit-and-run attacks, and car bombs led to an increasingly worsening morale situation among the already demotivated Rouvskian Army. Initially, the Rouvskian Army had worked to tackle desertion by creating an atmosphere of fear within the ranks by making an example of deserters and service dodgers. But as the situation in the East began to quickly deteriorate, instances of desertion and even defection to the insurgents began to surge gradually surging. With armed resistance becoming increasingly more common sight in the East, it would motivate other resistance forces to start being propped up across the Rouvskian Peninsula, even within the Slavic West, which was where Integralist control was most prevalent.

A significant event would occur on June 15th, 1914, when the Strazha headquarters in Tibirisk would be rocked by a car bomb that plowed into the entrance of the building. Around two to three tons of explosive detonated, completely demolishing the front half of the building and killing most of the people inside. With security forces heavily weakened in Tibirisk, it would lead to the June Insurrection as a mass uprising would take place by the residents of the city against the Integralists. City defenses and the already battered security force were quickly overwhelmed by a large force of rioters, insurrectionists, and impromptu militias. By the early mornings of June 16th, the local garrison was stormed by a combination of militiamen and insurgents, leading to a massive influx of weapons into the hands of insurrectionists as the armory of the garrison was left severely unsecured due to procedural failures by the local garrison force. By June 17th, the city had effectively fallen into the hands of insurrectionists as all remaining Integralist Army and Security forces either fled or were apprehended and eventually executed during a series of public executions of captured Integralists in the city square from June 19th to June 22nd.

This sudden and violent uprising would lead to the Far Eastern Uprising as angry Turkic and Slavic masses in Klinkovia, Azerjia, and Molokovia rose in open revolt against the Integralist regime. With Tibirisk having been a critical chokehold on the Far East, the Army forces in the Far East were increasingly attacked by motivated insurgents, paramilitary, and militia forces. By mid to late July 1914, the Far East had effectively fallen into the hands of anti-Integralist forces.

Rouvskian War of Liberation (1914-1916)

Following the fall of the East to rebel forces, the Integralist Rouvskian Army was left in shambles as many divisions Eastward had either been wiped out, captured, or even defected outright to the insurgents. On August 5th, 1914, from the recently captured Kuznetsky, a series of declarations over the radio declared the Anti-Integralist United Front to liberate the peninsula. During this, it also called for people west of the Khabarovsk River to take up arms in resistance against the Integralist Regime. Beginning in mid-August of 1914, the emboldened United Front, bolstered by defecting Army forces and recruits, began a series of skirmishes and battles along the Khabarovsk River, particularly around the bridge connecting Kuznetsky to Krylovsk, to secure a stable route into the rest of Rouvskia. Increasingly desperate, the Integralist Army around the Khabarovsk river was ordered to destroy the bridge to cut off land access. This culminated in the Battle of Kliment on August 25th, 1914, as Integralists attempted to demolish the bridge while the United Front led a stubborn attack to properly secure and force the Army away from the bridge. During the night on August 26th, Army sappers, under the darkness of night, attempted to quietly plant explosives on the supports of the bridge, but were stopped by a small United Front element attempting to cross the river and take the Army encampment across the river. Unbeknownst to the Army, several platoon-sized elements of the United Front had managed to cross the river on rafts, leading to surprise raids on the Army camp. Suddenly caught off guard, troops manning positions overlooking the bridge were forced to retreat and protect the camp, leaving the bridge undefended. With the distractions caused by the infiltration force working, the main United Front element managed to cross the bridge, encircling the camp. By the 27th, the camp had been secured, and the forces defending the bridge were defeated. With the failure to secure and destroy the bridge, the frontline along the Khabarovsk river became increasingly untenable, leading to most forces evacuating several kilometers west of the river toward more defensible positions.

Despite early successes, the war had drawn to a grueling stalemate by early 1915 as the frontlines more or less solidified as both sides dug in, creating vast networks of trenches. This was not ideal for the United Front as the Integralists still held the major industrial bulwark around Novgograd and Permisk. Meanwhile, the Far East was rather lacking in industrial capabilities, meaning that before long, the Integralists could eventually grind down in a war of attrition. Hoping to get in contact with resistance forces behind the frontlines, the United Front would send a company of troops on a march around the Tigritsa mountain range to reach Iskaria to discuss cooperation with local Iskarian warlords and resistance forces. Led by Mikhail Sobesky, future Minister of Defense under Ulyanovisk and later Feodor, the march took around three months before they reached Iskaria. By then, around 60% of the company-sized element had died to the elements or gone missing in the extreme weather, most likely dead. Mikhail Sobesky would meet with local Iskarian warlords, tribe leaders, and influential figures. Carrying with them a gift of guns and other souvenirs, Sobesky managed to convince the Iskarians to begin their own open rebellion against the Integralists. Beginning in June 1915, the Western Uprising began in Iskaria as various Iskarian warlords, tribes, and influential figures began fighting under the banner of the United Front. The West, which had been left largely undefended with token garrisons, was caught off guard as the Iskarians made massive advancements into Gorushka in the opening few weeks. Desperate to prevent a complete fall of Gorushka, forces from the frontlines were diverted West to stop the Western United Front. The sudden weakening of the Eastern Front led to a series of increasingly bold attacks upon the Integralist Lines. With the frontline weakened as multiple divisions were diverted West, by early July, there were several breakthroughs in the frontlines as, for the first time in months, the Integralists were being pushed back. A big victory came for the United Front when Khabarovskaya was captured on the 15th of August, 1915. This came at a critical time when the United Front was increasingly starved of supplies along multiple fronts, as Khabarovskaya represented one of the three main industrial cities in the peninsula. With access to the city’s largely undamaged industry, the United Front would begin efforts to begin their own weapons production to supply their forces. Beginning in early September, United Front forces would start receiving much-needed supplies being pumped out from Khabarovskaya.

United Front advances in the East had gradually slowed down due to a combination of stubborn resistance by Army forces, logistical constraints due to a lack of proper transportation, and a rainy season that caused dirt roads to be difficult to traverse and, in certain places, essentially impassable by horses or trucks. In the West, the advance of the Western United Front led by Sobesky, who had been elevated to a leader by the Iskarians, would inspire an uprising by workers in Kerkovsky in late September. Beginning in October of 1915, political and military exiles began returning en masse from Astana-Anders (Nation), bolstering the United Front with experienced leaders and well-equipped forces. This was also the time when Vladimir Ulyanovisk returned, arriving in Kuznetsky with a Partisan force of Rouvskian and some Astanai Marxists. With the arrival of the emigres from Astana-Anders (Nation), Krylovsk would be put under siege by the better-trained and armed paramilitary forces. On October 26th, Krylovsky fell, marking a major turning point as the second-largest city in Rouvskia had fallen to the United Front. Heavily demoralized, cracks began showing within the Integralist army as desertion and defections became only more prevalent. Several towns on the frontline were merely given away as the Army forces defending had opted to surrender or defect. Paranoid and angered by the defections, the Integralist Regime led by Rusuvo Ivanovich Adrik began increasingly purging the Army High Command and many mid-level officers. This only hampered their war effort as many capable officers were killed and replaced by much less experienced officers who were perceived to be much more politically loyal.

End of the Integralist Regime (1916)

By January 1916, all hope was lost for the Integralists as military advances by revolutionaries increasingly threatened Novgograd. Many within the regime would attempt to flee alongside the rapidly retreating Kkhanonese army in Glestonoph. In February 1916, the frontlines in the east collapsed as Revolutionary forces broke through in the east. The Integralist regime and its armies effectively collapsed following this, as most soldiers opted to desert and avoid reprisals by the Revolutionaries, while some would defect and join them.

Novgorod was surrounded on February 6th, and following a week-long battle, the city was eventually captured, spelling the end of Interagralism in Rouvskia. For the next two months, the Revolutionaries would round up and deal with the remaining Integralist pockets and remnants as the post-war settlement would begin to be drafted among the parties that formed the All-People’s Army. Rusuvo Ivanovich Adrik, Director and Supreme Commander of the Integralist forces, was captured in a local church, seemingly praying as he and several other high-ranking members would be put on trial in the city square. Rusuvo and several other individuals were sentenced to death, being publicly executed by hanging near Saint Kaspin’s Cathedral. Following the execution of the Integralist leadership, the first signs of cracks within the Revolutionaries began showing as increasing disagreements between Iskarians and Gorushkans, stemming from where to draw the new boundaries intensified. On April 11th, 1916, a conference would be held to decide the fate of the Rouvskian Peninsula with all major factions of the All-People’s Army for Liberation involved.

The​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌ Permisk Conference and Fragile Peace (1916-1919)

The Permisk Conference on April 11, 1916, was a meeting of the four major factions of the All-People's Liberation Army, and together, they decided to determine the political future of the Rouvskian Peninsula, which was recently freed. Representatives from Iskaria West, the Turkic Far East, Gorushkan nationalists, several socialist and Marxist factions, liberal democrats, and even the few surviving monarchist sympathizers met in what was expected to be a decisive moment for establishing the new political order.
The meeting was, however, soon caught in disputes. Iskarians, led by Mikhail Sobesky and a number of tribal leaders, were insisting on either significant autonomy or total independence for Gorushka, explaining that they contributed the most to the Western Uprising and that they have a distinct cultural identity. Representatives of the Turkic Far East were echoing such demands, they were looking for recognition of their autonomous regions. And thus, the debate went on, as centralist factions comprising mainly of socialists and liberal democrats were advocating for a united Rouvskian state. Monarchists, although greatly diminished, were on the side of a constitutional monarchy under a restored Imperial family but such a stance gained little support among the other factions.
After several weeks of difficult negotiations, an agreement was attained on May 3rd, 1916. The Permisk Declaration outlined the establishment of a provisional federal institution with a vast regional self-government for Iskaria, Gorushka, and the Turkic regions, at the same time, preserving the idea of unity under a temporary government based in Novgograd. It would be this government, from a council representing all major factions, charged with organizing elections and drafting a permanent constitution within three years.
However, the fragile accord achieved at Permisk was virtually sabotaged by the following aspects. To begin with, the Kkhanonese Empire which was still engaged in its continental war in Glestonoph while, however, it was able to keep a military force along the eastern borders of the Rouvskian Peninsula. Many revolutionary factions viewed collaboration with Kkhano as treason, whereas a few others recognized the necessity to keep the still-powerful empire in good terms in a pragmatic way. Secondly, besides the economic devastation caused by the years of war and which has resulted in the destruction of transportation services, the damage of the industrial capacity, and the disruption of agricultural production, the interim government remains without the resources necessary for the effective solving of the crisis.
The situation kept deteriorating in a slow but steady pace during 1916 and 1917. Turkic leaders in the Far East were getting more and more disappointed with the amount of freedom granted by the interim government and thus, leading to occasional confrontations between the local militias and government forces. In Gorushka, the Iskarian warlords who had fought under Sobesky and now have amassed their own armies have, on several occasions, in open defiance of both the regional Gorushkan authorities and the central government, challenged authority. The liberal democrats and moderate socialists that were in charge of the interim government, and that dominated the scene, realized themselves that they couldn't satisfy all groups and, consequently, throughout the political spectrum, they met with growing frustration.
A deciding moment was in March 1917 when Kkhano made public its decision to leave Glestonoph, thus conceding defeat in the continental war. The withdrawal was done by August 1917, and along with that, there was a large volume of Kkhanonese military equipment, deserters, and political refugees that arrived at Rouvskian Peninsula. There was a group that saw it as an opportunity to gain weapons and military expertise, while yet others were afraid that Kkhanonese agents and sympathizers would cause the breakdown of the fragile peace. The interim government's incapacity to maintain order at the borders and to address the inflow of refugees were additional reasons that led to the decrease of its ​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌authority.

he​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌ Descent into Civil War (1919-1921)

By the beginning of 1919, the temporary federal system set up at Permisk was practically non-existent although it was still functioning in theory. Regional warlords in the Far East, Gorushka, and Iskaria were operating almost as if these areas were their sovereign nations, they were raking their own taxes, they had their militias, and they were even engaged in diplomatic relations. The provisional government in Novgograd was barely holding on to the territories of just Novgograd, Permisk, and Khabarovskaya.

The situation was so turbulent that the five major political groups appeared as the most plausible candidates for the government takeover. The Liberal Democrats were mostly supported by the urban professionals, merchants, and intellectuals of the major cities; they were campaigning for a democratic parliament system with free-market reforms and friendly relations with the Western powers. The Nationalists were the most influential in the Slavic core region and among the ex-officers of the Imperial Army; their demand was for a highly centralized Rouvskian state that would bring back the national pride and the military strength. The Socialists had their base among the urban workers and some peasants; they were demanding the workers' control of industry and land reform but disassociating themselves from the revolutionary violence of their radical brothers. The Marxists, headed by the leaders who were exiled for a long time, were insisting on the complete dismantling of existing structures and the foundation of the proletarian dictatorship. In the end, the Monarchists though to a lesser extent, yet, were able to keep a few enclaves of support among the nobility, clergy, and conservative peasants who were longing for the old order's stability.

On each side of the conflict, paramilitary organizations, newspapers, and political bodies were present. Street fights between the enemy factions became regular events in the great cities especially in Novgograd and Permisk. The murder of political leaders, alleged informers, and enemy organizers instilled fear and terror into the people which was reminiscent of the Years of Agony under the Integralists, only at this stage, the level of systematic oppression was not as high yet.

The decisive moment was late 1919 when it was whispered around that Vladimir Ulyanovisk, a leading Marxist theoretician and organizer, was making plans to come back from his exile in Astana-Anders (Nation). Ulyanovisk was very popular among the radicals because of his publications concerning the revolutionary theory and his organizational work with Rouvskian émigré communities. Certainly, the Marxists met the news with delight and their rivals with horror.
In the end, Ulyanovisk moved back to Rouvskia in March 1920 and the people of Krylovsky unanimously welcomed him. Immediately, his arrival had the effect of a stimulant on the Rouvskian Marxist movement, a movement that was at that time a chaotic mix of various leaders and factions competing with each other. Ulyanovisk started the process of bringing together the numerous Marxist factions into one party which he named the All-Union Communist Party of Rouvskia. Thanks to his public speaking, his leadership talents, and his intellectual insight he was able to take the lead in the radical left line very shortly and the moderate socialists got sidelined.

Throughout 1920 the political tensions kept on escalating. The provisional government that was now almost entirely without power made its final attempt to bring about a permanent settlement. On January 15th, 1921, the representatives from the five major political factions were invited to Permisk for a big conference which was expected to lead to the first permanent constitution and government system of Rouvskia. The Permisk Accords, the name of the intended agreement, were going to decide the future of the ​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌peninsula.

The​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌ Permisk Bombing and the October Revolution (1921)

The Permisk Accords conference, held on February 1st, 1921, was a very ceremonious affair but lacked real optimism. The negotiations got entangled quickly in questions that were fundamental to the problem: Would Rouvskia become one state again or a federation? Would the Imperial family play any role, even a minor one? How was one to distribute land? What was going to be the relationship between workers, industrialists, and the state? Each faction came with the demands at their highest level and were not willing to compromise, as they had been spending the last years not supporting the interim government's legitimacy, but instead, building up their own power bases.
By the beginning of March, a little progress had been achieved on minor procedural matters, but the core issues were still there. The Liberal Democrats presented a democratic constitutional republic model with strong property rights and gradual reforms. The Nationalists responded with a plan of an authoritarian presidential system that would control regional separatism and Rouvskian military power restoration. The Socialists proposed the workers' council system with the industrial democracy being a significant part. The Marxists, led by Ulyanovisk himself, were firm on their demand of a complete socialist transformation, although their participation in the talks was to "reveal the contradictions of bourgeois democracy." The Monarchists, alone and without hope, simply begged for a role of the Imperial family restored as a unifying symbol.

At 19th March 1921 night, the delegates met for a breakthrough session as it was supposed to be, but instead, a loud explosion shook the Permisk Assembly Hall's east wing. Later it was estimated that the bomb that exploded in the hall contained almost a ton of explosives. 147 people were killed immediately from the blast, and hundreds were injured. One of those killed was nationalist leader Dimitreevich, who was an outspoken supporter of reintroducing the monarchy back into power, whether under an absolutist or constitutionalist model, it remains unclear to this day. In addition to him, Soroka, chairman of the Rouvskian Republican Party which advocated for a democratic federation, and two other well-known Monarchist representatives were also killed.

The situation immediately after the bombing was confusion and disorder. The survivors escaped from Permisk, communication lines were down, and accusing each other wildly, the parties blamed one another. However, within a few days, the story that the Communists were the perpetrators began to emerge stronger and stronger. Several reasons were there that led to this conclusion. Firstly, on that ill-fated evening, there were no Communist delegates at the meeting, and Ulyanovisk himself explained that he was delayed because he had to attend a meeting with the workers in a nearby factory. Secondly, the witnesses stated that they observed persons who wore red armbands, which were related to the Communist militia, in the vicinity of the Assembly Hall hours before the explosion. Thirdly, and this is the main thing, the Communist papers after the bombing published the articles that, on the surface, were against the violence, but underneath that, it seemed to be a kind of celebration of the "reactionary" and "compromising" elements' being eliminated and saying that "the bourgeois farce had ended" and "the path was clear for the genuine revolution."

Whether the Communists were behind the bombing is still a question raised by historians that was heavily debated. Ulyanovisk and the Communist Party leadership denied involvement and insisted that they were being framed by provocateurs. Some historians argue that the hardline nationalists or even foreign agents might have been behind the bombing to eliminate any possibility of a negotiated settlement. In any case, the Communist denial was not believed by most people in 1921, the atmosphere was very emotional and tense.

The Permisk Accords were terminated indelibly. The rest of the delegates took off to their respective fortresses, and the interim government was inoperative in the literal sense. The local militias were getting ready, the weapons stores were being opened, and Rouvskia was getting ready for the bloody war of civil war. The uneasy armed peace, which lasted for a few months, was the result of the preparation for the ensuing clash of the factions, which the stockpiling of weapons and mobilization of troops characterized. The Liberal Democrats and moderate Socialists started to create a coalition, thus realizing that they would be defeated if they continued to act separately. In addition to that, the Nationalists got in touch with the Monarchist remnants and the regional strongmen and suggested that they might have a place in a future authoritarian state in return for their military aid. On the other hand, the Communists who found themselves more and more isolated made preparations for what would be "the final confrontation between progress and reaction" as Ulyanovisk put it.

The turning point of the civil war was the day when Communist forces simultaneously planned revolts in Novgograd, Krylovsky, and Khabarovskaya and implemented their plans; it happened on October 10th, 1921, to be exact. The October Revolution, as it was called later, was an event during which the Communist militias along with the army units that sympathized with them, took over the key government buildings, arsenals, bridges, and communication centers. Novgograd saw the beginning of the fierce street fighting, the interim government's forces remnants had tried to resist and so the fight was inevitable. By October 12th, the government was no longer in power as its leaders had been either captured or killed or had fled into exile.

The Radio station seized in Novgograd was the place from where the broadcast was made, Ulyanovisk announced the Provisional Revolutionary Government establishment and invited communes and peasants all over Rouvskia to rise against their oppressors. He claimed that it was the Permisk bombing that had been a desperate move by the old order that was dying and that the October Revolution was the people's response to years of betrayal and compromise. From Ulyanovisk's words people may have concluded that he was really and truly an ideologically convinced person, or it might be that it was a calculated political strategy, or even both; anyway, his speech found a response in significant parts of the population who were tired of the years of instability and the unkept promises of the post-Integralist period and thus disappointed. ​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌

The​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌ Rouvskian Civil War (1921-1924)

The Rouvskian Civil War, which broke out after the October Revolution, was more destructive than the War of Liberation of the Integralists. It was not a war for liberation against the oppression of the regime, but a war of ideologies for the future of Rouvskia, fought with ideological zeal and unprecedented ruthlessness.

At first, the conflict had only the three main sides, but the image was complicated by numerous smaller groups, warlords, and local movements. The Communist Red Army, organized under the political leadership of Vladimir Ulyanovisk and the military command of the experienced officers of the War of Liberation, controlled the industrial heartland around Novgograd, Krylovsky, and Khabarovskaya. The White Army, a coalition of Nationalists, Monarchists, Liberal Democrats, and moderate Socialists, established its base in Permisk and drew support from the professional classes, former Imperial officers, and those frightened by the Communist rhetoric of class warfare. The Green Armies, a loose alliance of the regional movements, controlled the outskirts of the peninsula, especially in Gorushka, Iskaria, and the Turkic Far East areas, where they were fighting to keep regional autonomy against both the Red and White forces that wanted centralization.

The first stage of the civil war, from late 1921 to early 1922, was a time of rapid movement and dramatic changes of luck. Reds, from their urban strongholds, launched offensives aimed at regaining the major population centers and industrial areas. They managed to take over a number of key cities, but could hardly extend their authority in the rural areas where the Greens were in control. Whites, although they were better supplied with weapons and had the experienced military officers as their leaders, were tormented by political divisions and had unclear strategic objectives beyond "stopping the Communists."

One of the turning points was the summer of 1922 when the Red Army, after it had secured the industrial centers, started to receive considerable amounts of locally made weapons and supplies. The factories of Novgograd and Khabarovskaya, which were heavily damaged during the War of Liberation, had been partially refurbished and turned into military production under Communist management. Besides, the Communists' political commissar system, which was designed to put ideological officers into the units, turned out to be an efficient way of keeping the morale high and preventing desertion even when there were significant hardships.

On the other hand, the White coalition was in a continuous state of decline. The Liberal Democrats and moderate Socialists in the coalition became increasingly concerned about the growing influence of authoritarian Nationalists and Monarchists and as a result, there were defections and internal conflicts. Some Liberal Democrat units even went over to the Reds after they had been assured political participation in a post-war Communist government, though the promises were never kept. The Monarchists' moves to bring the Imperial family back to the throne antagonized republicans and democrats while the Nationalists' cruel treatment of ethnic minorities in the territories they controlled caused many in the Far East and Gorushka to become supporters of the Green movement.

The Green Armies were not without problems either. Though they were good at guerrilla warfare and local defense, they did not have the coordination and resources necessary for a long-term offensive. The effort to create a single Green movement was unsuccessful due to the rivalry between the Iskarian warlords and Turkic leaders who were most affected by the situation. Moreover, the ideological difference among the Greens, some of them were anarchist communes, while others were conservative regionalists, made it very difficult for them to agree on strategic cooperation.

The turning point of the war happened in late 1922 and the war went on till 1923. The Red Army after securing the core territories, made a series of coordinated offensives against the White and the Green forces. The commanders who had their experience during the War of Liberation developed the strategy which was mainly about cutting off the enemy forces' communication and then attacking them one at a time instead of holding large territories. A great portion of the White army was surrounded and annihilated at Permisk during a battle in which both sides had thousands of casualties but, most importantly, the White coalition's military capacity was broken.

The whole year of 1923 saw the Red Army carrying out a campaign of systematic destruction against the White and Green positions. Their work was not pretty as the forces on both sides were guilty of killing prisoners and civilians. The rebels set fire to villages that they thought were safe havens for the enemy, people that they thought were in league with the oppressors were shot without trial, and the civilian population suffered greatly because of food shortages, diseases, and the violence. The Communist political commissars kept tight control and ideological conformity, while White and Green forces carried out their own retributions against those who sympathized with the Communists.

The last phase of the war in early 1924 saw the remaining major White and Green forces either defeated or driven into exile. A lot of White leaders went to the nearby countries, and also to the other continents, where they would plan for years their unlikely return. Some Green commanders brokered local surrenders in return for limited autonomy, but these deals were systematically broken by the Communist government. A few Green insurgents kept up their guerrilla activities in the remote districts of Iskaria and the Far East, and while very successful, they were gradually put down during the subsequent years.

The Rouvskian Civil War came to an end in October 1924, three years after the Ulyanovisk's October Revolution. The price paid was very high. Scholars reckon that the number of people who lost their lives during the fighting is between 8 and 12 million, including those killed in battle, through execution, diseases, or starvation. Several cities were left in ruins, the food growing system was at a standstill in a good number of areas, and the industrial base, which was only halfway restored after the Liberation War, is in the dumps again. Millions had to leave their homes, and so the refugee problem that resulted will continue for ​‍​‌‍​‍‌​‍​‌‍​‍‌years.

Geography

Novoroyska is currently one of the largest countries in Northern Utopia, covering large numbers of time zones. It had four climate zones: tundra, taiga, steppes, and mountains. Novoroyska's highest mountain was Mount Pervis in the Rouvskia, at 7,495 meters (24,590 ft).

Novoroyska has largely inherited the policies from the Andriyist era, with a focus on nature preservation and strengthening. Many programs designed to protect and support nature and wildlife from the Andriyist era have largely been kept intact due to their great success in preserving the environment. Regions like the North Kurianov Reservation Zone are among the largest wildlife preserves in the world, where almost all human activity is barred, excluding scientific ones. Novoroyska also possesses one of the strictest and most defined hunting laws to prevent overhunting and to protect many species that were driven to endangerment from decades of unrestricted hunting in the past.

This strict policy of protecting the environment, nature, and wildlife was created under Andriy due to widespread pollution and ecological issues that stemmed from the industrial and scientific developments in the prior regimes, which sought advancement above all else, often at the cost of the environment. Since 2002, extensive cleanup efforts have been made to fix many of the more pressing pollution issues, such as the Novgograd Lake and River that run through the capital city. Before Andriy's regime, the river and the connecting lake were notorious for being badly contaminated due to industrial runoff and reckless sewage dumping by the city. During the 2000s and 2010s, extensive measures and laws were put in place that sought to improve the quality and safety of the water flowing through the city and in the lake. Extensive measures were put in place to handle the issue of industrial waste and runoff contaminating the lake and the river, as during the 2000s and 2010s, state authorities mandated the relocation of many heavy industry and chemical facilities from the capital city to other places far removed from human residency. This saw a drastic plummet in contaminants entering the lake as due to relocation of industrial facilities, and strict measures against reckless dumping and runoff, the lake's water quality began steadily improving over the 2010s.

The sewage system in Novoroyska was notoriously outdated when Andriy came to power, as massive volumes of untreated waste were being released into the rivers at extreme intervals. Initiatives beginning around 2008 sought to modernize and improve the sewage systems nationwide, as billions of rubles were poured into a nearly decade-long project to modernize the sewage system and create new waste treatment facilities and systems. Today, Novoroyska ranks among the highest in waste system quality, as an extensive infrastructure of modern piping systems, treatment facilities, and well-defined regulations has kept the waters around cities to a healthy level.

Demographics

Novoroyska has an estimated population of 286.7 million residents, with a population density of 12.7/km2, making it a sparsely populated country with most population focused around urban centers. The country is highly urbanized, with over 2/3 of the population living within cities and urban areas. Birthrate stands at around 19 per 1000, as pro-natalist policies and initiatives that were established around 2006 have boosted birthrates by a considerable margin, with measures like improved welfare measures, progressive tax credits, subsidized universal childcare, social housing, and facilitating use-it-or-lose-it paternity leaves to incentivize fathers to take paid leave to support their families. Subsidized fertility treatment programs have also worked to alleviate issues like delayed childbirth and other issues.

Population

Novoroyska is an ethnically diverse nation, comprising seven major ethnic groups and identities with their own separate subculture and subgroups. The main ethnic groups are divided into three categories: the Slavs, Turks, and the Gorzhitel. The Slavs are comprised of the Rouvskians, being the largest group, with Gorushkans in second place, while Molokovia and Byerovsk are generally tied for third place. The Turks are comprised of Klinkovians and Azerjians, with Klinkovians comprising a large majority in population. Lastly, the Gorzhitel, meaning mountain people, comprises the Iskarians and the now extinct Miskar people in Gorushka.

As of the 2025 census, the ethnic makeup of Novoroysk was: 50.78% Rouvskian, 23.22% Klinkovian, 7.59% Gorushkan, 7.41% Gorushkan, 6.23% Azerjian, and 4.77% Iskarian.

Language

Rouvskian is the main, predominantly spoken language in Novoroyska, but regional languages are taught to their respective students as well to preserve national identities. It is among the biggest Slavic languages spoken around the world. Novoroyska is a multilingual nation with seven recognized languages, including Rouvskian, these being: Gorushkan, Molokovian, Byerovskian, Klinkovian, Azerjian, and Iskarian.

Despite these, in recent years, regional languages have faced a growing decline due to a lack of practical usage of the other languages besides Rouvskian. Since 2015, there have been attempts made to prevent the regional languages from dying out, such as requiring individual republics to use both Rouvskian and their respective languages in official documentation.

Before the 1990s, Novoroyska never had an official national language, though Rouvskian served as the de facto lingua franca of the nation. Following the rise of Grishkovich, the Supreme Soviet passed the Act on the Language of Nationalities and Peoples, which it enshrined in the constitution that Rouvskian was the primary language of the Novoroyskan people, but gave official recognition to individual languages of the other republics as well.

Religion

Christianity and Islam had the highest number of adherents among religious citizens. Eastern Christianity predominated among Christians, with Rouvskia's traditional Rouvskian Orthodox Church being the largest Christian denomination. About 70% of Novoroyska's Muslims were Sunnis, with Shias being concentrated in the Azerjia. Smaller groups like Protestants, a holdover from the Svarizian colonialism in the 15th century, continue to exist around Gorushka.

Following the Rouvskian Civil War and the proclamation of the Socialist Federal Republic of Novoroyska in 1924, the new Communist regime under Ulyanovisk sought to strip the power and influence of the Orthodox Church. This saw legislation aimed at removing many of the privileges that they enjoyed under the Rouvskian Empire, but this was to merely limit their powers, not outright ban them. However, after Ulyanovisk died in 1926 and Feodor Ivanov took power in the following year after a power struggle, prior efforts to limit the power of religious institutions were rewritten to impose a blanket ban on religion and enforce state atheism nationwide.

Government

Novoroyska is a federal multi-party semi-presidential parliamentary republic. Federal legislature rests within the Federal Assembly, comprised of the Federal Rada as the upper chamber and the Federal Duma as the lower chamber. The Federal Duma consists of 125 districts, each with four representatives, totaling 500 members. These members are elected through an Open List Proportional Representation system. In each district, voters choose their preferred candidates from a party's list.

The total number of votes cast for all candidates of a specific party determines the percentage of seats that party wins in that district. For example, if a party receives 50% of the total district vote, they are awarded two of the four seats. Those seats are then filled by that party's two most popular candidates based on the individual preference votes they received. This ensures the legislature reflects the overall popularity of the parties while allowing voters to choose their specific representatives.

The Federal Rada, meanwhile, is comprised of 21 members, three members from every seven republics. The Federal Rada has the power to veto absolutely any changes affecting fundamental federations issues, for example, constitutional amendments, changes to the regional boundaries, reforms of the electoral system, and changes to the distribution of powers between the national and regional governments can only be done with the consent of the Federal Rada. In the case of ordinary legislation, the Council has a suspensive veto, which enables it to postpone the consideration of a bill for up to 180 days and requires the Federal Duma to reconsider it, although the lower chamber may finally reject its objections through a 2/3 Majority vote. The Council is not involved in the formation of the government or the voting of confidence, thus executive accountability is only with the democratically elected Duma. In addition to its legislative roles, the Federal Rada is an arbitrating organ in federal, regional disputes and carries the significant obligation of selecting the temporary administrators when the electoral system of a republic is declared unconstitutional.

Military

Novoroyska's Armed Forces are comprised of three distinct branches: The Federal Army, the Federal Air Force, and the Federal Navy. The President is the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and has a political mandate for discretionary decision-making and delegating commands to elements of the armed forces, whether in peacetime or in wartime. Novoroyska, per recent estimates, has around 800,000 active personnel with a further 2 million in reserve. Service to the armed forces was made voluntary, but the Constitution states that the federal government reserves the right to declare conscription in times of war or emergency.

The National Guard of Novoroyska (Short: Natsgvardiya) acts as a reserve component of the Armed Forces, a successor to the older Interior Army that existed in the prior regime. The seven republics all have their individual National Guard elements, which fall under their command in normal peacetime. However, if authorized by the Federal Assembly, the government has the authority to federalize National Guard units as active duty elements.

Novoroyska possesses one of the largest and sophisticated nuclear arsenals, maintaining a nuclear triad of ground-based ICBMs, ballistic missiles, submarines, and advanced bombers. It also has one of the largest military expenditures in the world and is a top exporter of weapons.

Economy

From 1924 until 1991, Novoroyska was a centrally planned socialist command economy where production and quotas were decided by the state, not by demand. Under this system, Novoroyska experienced an unprecedented industrial expansion in the '30s, which helped to fuel its growing economy. In the period between 1930 and 1960, the Novoroyskan economy had more than doubled, having grown considerably compared to pre-Communist era economics. The command economy was well-suited to growing Novoroyska from a backwards agrarian economy to a heavily industrialized one, as a total monopoly on all resources and investments helped fuel the unprecedented growth.

However, following the Oil Crisis, the complexities and inefficiencies of the command economy that once helped fuel the growth of the nation had become much more apparent. The increasing modernization of the economy became far too complex for the Novoroyskan bureaucracy to handle, as by the 80s, planners had to coordinate the production and distribution of millions of different parts and products. Without a price mechanism to signal supply and demand, the system suffered from constant bottlenecks, leading to situations like too many left shoes and no right ones, or grain rotting in fields because no one planned for the trucks to pick it up. Additionally, in a market economy, companies and firms often innovate to survive on the market, whereas factories and managers in Novoroyska were awarded for meeting quotas, not innovating, which resulted in a growing parity between Novoroyskan and foreign technologies and advancements. Meanwhile, military expenditures had spiralled beyond what the economy could hope to support as Novoroyskan planners were in a mindset of constantly planning for war with Anteria, thus keeping the economy in a state of de facto wartime mode.

After Grishkovich came to power, the Razvitiye policies aimed to reform the economy and stop the growing stagnation by opening up the nation's market to the world. While it managed to bring some prosperity for a time, with regulations having been scaled back, major of the profits were going to a growing number of affluent businessmen, effectively oligarchs who had managed to buy up and control a substantial amount of the previously state-owned industries. This caused an inverse effect as the wealth gap began steadily growing.

After the 1999 Coup D'etat, under the new leader Andriy Vasilyevich, Novoroyska began seizing much of the assets owned by these oligarchs while scaling back and abolishing many elements of Razvitiye. However, a number of the policies and frameworks from it were later used by Andriy to formulate his economic plan, which effectively moved Novoroyska to a highly regulated market socialist economy, with at times resembling a mixed economy. Through this, Novoroyska retained global market access while retaining a command style control and oversight over domestic markets. This system helped fuel something of a revitalization as the previously stagnant economy began showing growth around 2006, reaching new heights around 2012. Through profits, Novoroyska began investing heavily into welfare and social programs, which drew in a large amount of support to his regime. Many experts state that this was not out of concern for the populace, but a matter of manufacturing consent for the regime and its policies.

Following the Democratic Transition, Novoroyska has adopted a free market economy within the framework of Keynesian Economics. While maintaining a capitalist market economy, the government assumes the responsibility of active intervention and oversight to prevent an unregulated market economy.

Transport

Since around the 1990s, Novoroyska has undertaken several measures to modernize and improve the transportation network throughout the nation. Initially under Grishkovich and later continued by Andriy, this saw an extensive investment in road maintenance, as over the 80s, the Novoroyskan network had become extremely neglected, with certain parts being in a dire state. Railroads in certain areas were fashionably out of date and heavily worn down from decades of use.

Since the 2000s, the Novoroyskan transportation network has taken a drastic makeover as initiatives under the Andriyist regime had managed to carry out widespread and highly successful modernization and maintenance works, which saw hundreds of km of road and rail network given much-needed maintenance or outright replaced with more modern infrastructure. It's regarded as one of the most ambitious and successful infrastructure programs in recent decades. Since around 2015, Novoroyska has invested in creating high-speed rails connecting the major cities in the nation, successfully connecting most major cities in Gorushka, Byerovsk, Molokovia, Rouvskia, and Klinkovia. However, efforts in Iskaria and Azerjia have stalled since 2022 due to the highly mountainous terrain of the republics, creating extreme challenges in finishing the project.

Since 2023, Novoroyska has begun a limited introduction of high-speed rails with industrial and commercial applications. While high-speed rails are mostly reserved for transportation and travel, there has been an increasing interest in utilizing the technology for moving industrial and commercial goods at high speeds around the world. As of now, there is a high-speed rail running from Novgograd all the way to Krylovsky, handling industrial and commercial transportation.

Culture

Novoroyskan Culture has been shaped through the sharing and fusion of many ideas and thoughts from the various ethnic groups around Novoroyska. From the intermingling of Slavic and Turkic traditions, culture, values, and technologies, as much as the two have been at war in the past, both have fundamentally influenced each other. Islamic and Turkic physicians from the Middle Ages were among the best people at treating the sick and the ill, helping to spread invaluable medical knowledge across the peninsula. Meanwhile, early Slavic engineering innovations helped pave the way for many of the wonders and technological developments among the various kingdoms, peoples, and states that came and went in the Rouvskian Peninsula.

The introduction of Orthodox Christianity, foreign ideas, goods, and technologies during the colonial era under the Svarizians had a profound effect on shaping Novoroyskan culture as a whole. While it helped to introduce the Peninsula to many new ideas and technologies, it also helped fuel a resentment of colonialism and foreign control, helping to fester decades of violence, nationalism, and struggle for independence in the years to come. The introduction of foreign ideas helped pave many of the most influential people and movements, like Vladimir Ulyanovisk and his Communist movement that created the modern-day Novoroyska. During the Communist era, Novoroyska had attempted to push a socialist culture and identity that, in the long run, had hoped to replace individual identities and cultures with a homogenized one. Through this, throughout the 20th century, Novoroyska had worked to limit the influence of regional culture, often aggressively through forceful means. However, in the 90s, with Grishkovich and Obnovlenie, Novoroyska sought to embrace and support regional and ethnic cultures and identities. This policy was largely maintained after Andriy Vasilyevich came to power.

Despite this, the aggressive efforts in the past to create a homogenized culture to replace individual ones persist to this day. The 20th century saw an unprecedented shift in linguistics and culture in Novoroyska, as state efforts had a noticeable effect in the decline of regional languages in favor of Rouvskian, while many individuals, regardless of background, had started embracing a more cosmopolitan outlook and lifestyles around the nation during this period. A poem from the 1970s encapsulates this perfectly:

"Good morning, native country,
Good morning, my love,
The hour has come to pass,
We don't hide our hopes,
What seemed distant yesterday,
Became tomorrow's day,
With the dreams of all generations,
You affirmed your place,
Hello to the time of great accomplishments,
The triumph of Ulyanovisk's truth."

Beginning around the 1950s, Novoroyska has taken a proactive position in conducting cultural exchanges with many of its allies in the past and present, with a notable example being the KONSENSUS and KONSENSUS II programs, which saw Novoroyska and NOVOSKOSMOS, the space agency of the nation to partner and work with other nations and their respective space agencies for joint missions.

Energy

The need for fuel declined in Novoroyska from the 1970s to the 1980s, both per ruble of gross social product and per ruble of an industrial product. At the start, this decline grew very rapidly but gradually slowed down between 1970 and 1975. From 1975 and 1980, it grew even slower, only 2.6%. Historians believed that the gas industry would account for 40% of Novoroyskan fuel production by the end of the century. The SFRN, in theory, would have continued to have an economic growth rate of 2–2.5% during the 1990s because of Novoroyskan energy fields. However, the energy sector faced many difficulties, among them the country's high military expenditure and cold relations with the free world led by Anteria until Grishkovich's re-approachment policy.

In 1991, Novoroyska had a pipeline network of 82,000 kilometers (51,000 mi) for crude oil and another 206,500 kilometers (128,300 mi) for natural gas. Petroleum and petroleum-based products, natural gas, metals, wood, agricultural products, and a variety of manufactured goods, primarily machinery, arms, and military equipment, were exported. In the 1970s and 1980s, the SFRN heavily relies on fossil fuel exports to earn hard currencies

The use of fossil fuels by Novoroyska after 1999 declined rapidly as the Politburo and Central Committee opted for better alternatives such as nuclear and natural gas. Aging nuclear reactors built decades earlier had been decommissioned and demolished from 2000 - 2007. Beginning in 2005, the central government started an initiative to construct newer safer reactors to replace the decommissioned ones. Certain reactors have been preserved and turned into museums.

Natural gas also plays a pivotal role in energy production as 37.5% of the nation is powered by electricity produced from natural gas. Petroleum, coal, and other forms of fossil fuel have been mostly relegated to industrial purposes as the need for fossil fuel to produce power has greatly plummeted since 1999.

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